Support for impeached President Yoon Suk-yeol is growing as turmoil escalates and concerns rise about left-wing judicial bias and political manipulation.
Yoon Suk-yeol

On January 15 in Seoul, officers from the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking Officials (CIO) and police gather outside the presidential residence to execute an arrest warrant for President Yoon Suk-yeol. (Reuters)

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CAPTION: On January 15 in Seoul, officers from the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking Officials (CIO) and police gather outside the presidential residence to execute an arrest warrant for President Yoon Suk-yeol. (Reuters)

President Yoon Suk-yeol declared a state of martial law in December 2024, and now he has made history as the first sitting South Korean president to be arrested. Held in solitary confinement, he faces charges of rebellion tied to the martial law declaration and abuse of power. Despite this, Yoon remains defiant, refusing to cooperate with an investigation that he believes lacks legitimate authority.

At the same time, public support for Yoon and the ruling People Power Party has been rising. This surge appears to stem from widespread distrust in the judiciary during the impeachment crisis. It is also fueled by growing frustration with the opposition Democratic Party of Korea, which many see as leveraging the chaos for political gain.

But what lies at the heart of this impeachment turmoil?

South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol announces lifting the "emergency martial law." At the "Blue House" presidential residence in Seoul on the early morning of December 4. (©Yonhap via Kyodo)

Long Arm of the CIO

Yoon is now battling a legal case over his potential removal from office before the Constitutional Court. However, he continues to resist cooperating with state-led investigations he says are not legally authorized.

Leading these investigations is the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking Officials (CIO). According to Yoon, the CIO lacks the legal authority to investigate a sitting president for rebellion. Yet his opposition seems to go beyond mere legal technicalities. Intimately familiar with the CIO's origins, powers, and perceived political leanings, Yoon has consistently refused to recognize its legitimacy.

The CIO was established during the Moon Jae In administration as part of what some have called a longtime goal of the left. Its "mandate" is to investigate corruption among approximately 7,000 public officials, including senior government figures and judiciary leaders. 

This scope extends to individuals in the Supreme Court, the Constitutional Court, the prosecution, and both current and former military officials, including the president.

Moon Jae In's 'Gestapo'

In reality, however, the CIO has often been referred to as the "Gestapo of the left-wing administration." Operating directly under the presidential office, the president directly appoints the agency's director from within a pool provided by a left-leaning committee. The same committee selects the prosecutors without oversight from the executive branch. 

Critics argue that by gaining authority over the regular prosecution office, the CIO has disrupted the principle of separation of powers. It effectively functions as a "second prosecution office," allegedly created to intimidate prosecutors and shield left-wing lawmakers.

During its inception, Yoon Suk-yeol — then the prosecutor general — actively opposed the formation of the CIO. He uncovered a scandal involving Cho Kuk, a close ally of Moon and then justice minister, who had drafted the blueprint for the administration's prosecution reforms. 

Cho Kuk addresses a crowd before the Sejong Center for the Performing Arts in a general election campaign (©Cho Kuk Facebook)

This episode marked the beginning of Yoon's staunch opposition to the Moon administration. He faced three disciplinary actions, including suspension and dismissal from his duties. Ultimately, this boosted his national profile and led to growing expectations for his presidential run.

Fragmenting Investigative Authority

The CIO was formally established in 2021 after the ruling party under the Moon administration forced the measure through the National Assembly. However, its activities were largely halted after Yoon took office, and to date, it has yet to produce any significant investigative outcomes. It employs only about a dozen prosecutors, most of whom are former judges or lawyers with limited investigative experience.

Despite this, the CIO unexpectedly found itself leading investigations following Yoon's declaration of martial law. Nevertheless, its repeated summonses and attempts to forcibly interrogate Yoon have all failed. On January 23, the CIO ceded the case to the prosecution. Moving forward, the prosecution will oversee the investigation. 

However, even the prosecution lacks the authority to investigate charges of rebellion against a sitting president. Only the police possess this jurisdiction. Efforts by the Moon administration to curtail the power of the existing prosecution have fragmented investigative authority, dispersing it across various institutions.

Opposition Driving the Investigation

Behind the investigation into President Yoon is the Democratic Party of Korea. On December 29, the CIO filed requests for a detention warrant and an arrest warrant on January 17. However, these requests were submitted not to the legally designated Seoul Central District Court but to the Seoul Western District Court instead.

Allegedly, a warrant division head at the Western District Court influenced this decision. He is affiliated with the progressive Uri Law Research Society, a group of judges known for their left-leaning stance.

The perceived manipulation of judicial processes — dubbed an "inappropriate judge selection" — drew widespread criticism from the legal community. When the Western District Court issued the arrest warrant on January 19, it triggered outrage among Yoon's supporters. This culminated in approximately 100 protesters storming the court and causing property damage.

Intimidation Tactics

In addition, ahead of the attempted detention of President Yoon on January 15, the CIO used intimidation tactics against the Presidential Security Service. Notices posted on internal bulletin boards stated, "The execution of a detention warrant is a lawful duty." They urged security personnel to step aside, asserting, "Refusing to follow illegal orders is not a breach of duty." 

The CIO also distributed official documents warning that obstructing the execution of the warrant could lead to "civil and criminal liabilities." These warnings included potential penalties, such as the suspension of public servant pensions, as part of an effort to pressure security staff into compliance.

Public distrust in South Korea's judiciary has deepened amid these aggressive investigations, questionable legal interpretations, and ongoing power struggles between investigative agencies. The theatrical nature of Yoon's detention attempt has only heightened these concerns.

South Korean media have criticized the spectacle. According to a Chosun Ilbo editorial, "If the CIO's actions are driven by pressure from the Democratic Party, this is not an arrest for the sake of investigation but an arrest for the sake of arrest."

Since the declaration of martial law, the Democratic Party, under the leadership of Lee Jae-myung, has continuously pressured the CIO to expedite Yoon's arrest. It has also sought to sway public opinion in favor of impeachment and removal. 

Several senior party members have made inflammatory remarks, including one stating, "Detaining the President requires the resolve to carry him out of the residence in a coffin." Furthermore, the opposition has further pressed the CIO into action by allegedly hinting at the agency's potential dissolution.

Lee Jae-myung (center), representative of the opposition Democratic Party of Korea, speaks on April 11 after victory in the South Korea general election. (© Kyodo News)

'Rebel Forces'

Public backlash against the Democratic Party of Korea's self-serving political maneuvers has been growing. Since the declaration of martial law, the party has pushed through legislation that benefits its interests, bypassing adequate debate in the stalled National Assembly.

Over 100 laws have reportedly been enacted or amended in the opposition-dominate judiciary committee without holding public hearings.

The party has repeatedly used its majority to file impeachment motions against officials in the Yoon administration, with approximately 30 cases to date. 

After Yoon's suspension, Prime Minister Han Duck-soo, who briefly served as acting president, was impeached after just 13 days. Choi Sang-mok, the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Economy and Finance, currently acting as the "acting president's deputy," is also facing the threat of impeachment.

Yet the Democratic Party has dismissed outside criticism as "fake news." It has even proposed placing KakaoTalk, South Korea's most popular messaging app and the local equivalent of LINE, under surveillance.

Conflicts in South Korea have escalated significantly since the declaration of martial law. Both sides now openly refer to each other as "rebel forces" and "anti-national forces," exposing their deep-seated hostility. South Korea's political situation has begun to resemble a civil war.

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(Read the article in Japanese.)


Author: Ruriko Kubota, The Sankei Shimbun

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