As Hormuz tensions rattle Japan's energy lifeline, Okinawa Governor Denny Tamaki calls for a ceasefire while resisting a deeper military footprint at home.
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Okinawa Governor Denny Tamaki during an interview with JAPAN Forward in Naha, Okinawa, on March 27. (©JAPAN Forward by Kenji Yoshida)

As tensions in the Middle East sharpen concerns over energy security and alliance coordination, Okinawa Governor Denny Tamaki faces a shifting political and strategic landscape at home.

Disruptions around the Strait of Hormuz — vital to Japan's crude imports — are expected to drive up costs nationwide, with Okinawa bearing a disproportionate burden, according to the governor.

Tamaki, a two-term incumbent seeking a third term in September, has long been the political face of the "All Okinawa" movement, a cross-partisan coalition opposed to the concentration of US military bases on the island.

Yet his position reflects a more nuanced reality. While reaffirming support for the Japan–US security alliance and the presence of the Self-Defense Forces, he has expressed strong reservations about further expanding their footprint.

Tamaki spoke with JAPAN Forward as the All Okinawa bloc faces major political headwinds and generational shifts begin to reshape public attitudes toward security on the island.

Excerpts of the interview follow.

How is the Iran war affecting Okinawa, and what response do you expect from the Japanese government?

In particular, the closure of the Strait of Hormuz is having a profound impact on Japan's crude oil supply. Naturally, Okinawa, given its status as a remote island, is experiencing these effects more acutely than anywhere else in the country, including sharp price surges.

As Okinawa Prefecture, we strongly urge Japan to coordinate with its longstanding partners and neighboring states to press for an early ceasefire and the restoration of diplomatic ties.

Do you have concerns that prolonged US commitments in the Middle East could create a security vacuum in Japan?

Regarding concerns over a potential security vacuum, I do not believe they are particularly significant, nor do I see cause for undue alarm. 

However, there have been reports that the 31st Marine Expeditionary Unit, headquartered at Camp Hansen in Okinawa, has been deployed to the Middle East.

The US Navy amphibious assault ship USS Tripoli (right) refuels another vessel in the Philippine Sea in February. Around 2,500 personnel from the 31st Marine Expeditionary Unit (31 MEU), based in Okinawa, reportedly arrived in the Middle East on March 27. (©Provided by the US military)

If such deployment is indeed taking place, the Japanese government must first confirm the matter with the United States and clearly explain to the people of Okinawa and the broader public the need for prior consultation under the Japan–US Security Treaty.

How do you reconcile shifting public attitudes in Okinawa with the expanding role of the Self-Defense Forces?

53 years have passed since Okinawa reverted to Japan in 1972, and those born after the reversion now account for roughly half the population.

To that end, I recognize that, compared with earlier generations, a growing number of younger Okinawans hold views on security, US bases, and the Self-Defense Forces that are closer to those on the mainland.

As for myself and Okinawa Prefecture, we recognize both the Japan–US security framework and the presence of the Self-Defense Forces.

A protester sits in front of the gate at Camp Schwab to oppose the relocation of U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma, in Henoko, Nago, Okinawa Prefecture, on May 15, 2023. (©Sankei)

However, given the already disproportionate burden of US military bases borne by Okinawa, further deploying the Self-Defense Forces here — and equipping them with missiles capable of preemptive strike — would only compound that burden. I believe many Okinawans would find that unacceptable.

Even as Tokyo advances its "southwest pivot," a range of views persists. Recently, for instance, the mayor of Ishigaki and the city council clearly stated that the deployment of long-range missiles is unnecessary, and I understand the council formally adopted a corresponding resolution.

A test launch of the upgraded Type-12 land-to-ship missile, October 2024, Niijima Island in Tokyo's Izu Islands. The missiles are expected to be deployed for the first time at Camp Kengun in Kumamoto Prefecture by the end of March, according to reports. (©ATLA Japan)

Does All Okinawa's major setback in February's lower house election signal a decline in its relevance?

The outcome of an election is ultimately the judgment of the voters at that particular moment, and I believe it should be accepted calmly and earnestly as such.

All Okinawa is one of the groups supporting the prefectural administration. It is a broad coalition, bringing together a diverse range of organizations and individuals across conservative and progressive lines, aimed at realizing the petition submitted to the government in 2013. The petition called for the withdrawal of Osprey deployments, the closure and removal of Futenma Air Station, and the relocation of US bases from Okinawa.

While I recognize that the organizations and groups comprising it have evolved in response to changing circumstances, I believe the fundamental direction of All Okinawa remains unchanged.

Some critics say Okinawa is overstepping its role by weighing in on Japan's foreign policy and security matters. How do you respond?

I recognize that diplomacy and national security fall within the exclusive purview of the state. Yet, given Okinawa's unique social conditions and historical experience, our approach to regional diplomacy is not confined to positions such as opposition to nuclear weapons or US military bases.

Okinawa Governor Denny Tamaki (right) hands a written request to Defense Minister Shinjiro Koizumi in Naha, Okinawa Prefecture, on January 8. (©Sankei by Naoki Otake)

Rather, a central tenet of our regional diplomacy is to promote mutually beneficial, multilateral development while safeguarding a sustainable environment in an increasingly interconnected world.

Of course, the issue of US military bases is part of this. But we do not advocate regional diplomacy solely through it. Instead, we are taking various actions to contribute to more constructive outcomes in regional relations across Asia, as well as within the framework of the Japan–US alliance. 

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Author: Kenji Yoshida

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