Former Ambassador Hideo Tarumi in Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo. (©Shinpei Okuhara)
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In Part II of his interview, former Ambassador to China Hideo Tarumi offers his insights on the fundamentals of diplomacy and the importance of standing firm. Tarumi, who served as ambassador from 2020 to 2023, spent his career at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs focused on China. He now teaches as a professor at Ritsumeikan University.
Excerpts from Ambassador Tarumi's statements in the interview follow.
Return to Realpolitiks
Former Liberal Democratic Party Secretary-General Nobutaka Machimura was a politician who firmly conveyed Japan's position to China. When large-scale anti-Japanese demonstrations broke out in China following Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's visit to Yasukuni Shrine, Machimura traveled to China in April 2005.
There, he met with his counterpart Li Zhaoxing, demanded an apology, a return to the previous state of affairs, and measures to prevent a recurrence. Although the Chinese side claimed to be the "victim," Machimura pushed back, saying, "Does patriotism justify any kind of action against Japan? We strongly demand an apology for the violence directed at the Japanese Consulate-General and Japanese businesses in China."
While many politicians hesitate to take a firm stance against China, Machimura was unwavering. Machimura was a man who exemplified what a politician should be.
Speak Out on Senkakus
Japanese politicians should first study the history of the Senkaku Islands issue and understand its position under international law. It's not enough to have a vague idea of what happened in which year. They need a thorough grasp not only of Tokyo's stance but also of all of Beijing's claims and why those claims are unfounded. This is the most important responsibility for any national politician involved in diplomacy.
The Senkaku issue is often blamed on the China School within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. However, it's the politicians themselves who have historically been lax in their handling of the matter.
In 1972, for instance, during normalization talks between Japan and China, Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka asked Premier Zhou Enlai for his thoughts on the Senkaku Islands. Zhou replied, "I don't want to talk about it now." Tanaka's response was essentially, "What?" After all, it was his side that brought up the subject.
Later in 1978, Deng Xiaoping unilaterally declared at a press conference in Japan that "a shelving agreement has been reached" regarding the Senkaku issue. Tokyo's official position is that there is no territorial dispute over the Senkakus. So why didn't Takeo Fukuda — who was Prime Minister at the time — or the Chief Cabinet Secretary and Foreign Minister respond to Deng's statement? One of them should have said, "There is nothing to be shelved regarding the Senkaku issue."
Art of Diplomacy
Japan's claim to the Senkaku Islands is fundamentally strong, both in terms of international law and historical evidence. So why is this strength not more clearly asserted? Members of the Diet need to be able to explain and defend Japan's position wherever and whenever the issue arises.
The Chinese leadership always tries to conclude talks with its own statement. It's a mistake to allow the discussion to end on their terms. Many politicians aren't even aware of this.
As a diplomat, I have always been concerned about whether my actions could stand the test of history and whether I conducted diplomacy that would not bring shame in hindsight. We must never engage in diplomacy that ends with us being told what to do. I believe this applies to politicians as well.
In matters of sovereignty and territorial disputes, we must have the final word. Young members of the ruling party often do not know when they will be appointed to key positions in foreign affairs and defense. For that reason, continuous learning is crucial.
Feeling Betrayed
Some political parties and politicians in Japan seem to have little regard for the concept of national interest. One of the biggest challenges we diplomats faced in the past was arguing with the Chinese government over Fukushima's treated water issue.
Even when we refuted Beijing's claims by citing specific figures, pointing out that the tritium, a radioactive substance in the treated water, was higher in Chinese nuclear plants, they would respond by saying, "Japanese Diet members and some scholars have also called it 'contaminated water'." It felt like being stabbed from behind.
Some parliamentarians were waffling over unscientific claims about the release of treated water, but it's nothing more than self-serving theatrics. They were working hand-in-hand with China. Even if these politicians visit China, it will be merely a trip and will be of no significance for Japan. In fact, it's counterproductive.
Not All Chinese Are Enemies
In China, the term "rùn," meaning to escape overseas, is becoming popular. Among those, the number of "rùn ri," or running to Japan, is rapidly growing. Chinese seeking the freedom they have lost in China and Hong Kong are gathering in Japan, especially in the Kanda area of Tokyo.
More than 100 years ago, Sun Yat-sen and others were supported by Japanese businessmen, bringing about the Xinhai Revolution. Today, many Chinese people come to Kanda and other areas in Japan seeking the democratization of their homeland. Chinese bookstores have become gathering places where various issues are debated. That said, the Japanese establishment remains largely unaware of this movement.
If we approach this with a dislike of the Chinese people, we risk missing an important emerging trend. The United States Embassy in Japan is observing this movement with greater interest. One of these individuals could one day become China's leader. It's time for Japan to develop a long-term strategy.
Of course, there are many troublemakers and misbehaving individuals among the Chinese population. These behaviors should be properly regulated and policed. However, not all Chinese people are like that. It's shortsighted and unstrategic to make enemies of all 1.4 billion Chinese.
Former US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo clearly emphasized that a distinction must be made between the Chinese people and the Chinese Communist Party.
Harmony, but Firm
If a Chinese aide stood next to the Japanese Foreign Minister, that alone might be criticized as being "pro-China" in Japan. However, it's the Chinese Communist Party that we must confront, not the people. China is not synonymous with the Chinese Communist Party.
The Japanese media also shares some of the blame. Until now, they have not made a clear distinction. For example, the Select Committee on Strategic Competition between the United States and the Chinese Communist Party in the US House of Representatives is often reported simply as the US House of Representatives Special Committee on China.
The literal translation is Special Committee on Strategic Competition with the Chinese Communist Party, where the most serious and intense discussions take place.
Japan's diplomatic stance is fundamentally centered on the idea that "harmony is key to success." This principle is also reflected in the Analects of Confucius, but with a caveat. "A wise man maintains harmony but does not blindly follow the crowd. An unwise man blindly follows the crowd but does not maintain harmony."
While cooperation is important, we must not easily compromise our independence as Japanese. In other words, we must never lose sight of Japan's national interests. We must remain a sovereign nation.
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Author: Shimpei Okuhara, The Sankei Shimbun
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