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Kim Sungwon (©Kenji Yoshida)
On February 8, South Korea erupted in historic protests against the impeachment of President Yoon Suk-yeol. A wave of demonstrators surged from the conservative city of Daegu to Seoul's iconic Gwanghwamun Square.
In Daegu, a cadre of influential voices took the stage. But among them, political YouTuber Kim Sungwon's poignant speech particularly resonated with many audiences. As the visionary behind the Ground C Institute and a commentator with over 800,000 YouTube subscribers, Kim is emerging as a formidable force in the nation's conservative circles.
In this exclusive interview, Kim spoke with JAPAN Forward to offer insights on President Yoon's martial law declaration, his high-stakes impeachment trial, and South Korea's turbulent political landscape.
You are currently on a national tour. Can you share some details?
Since early February, I've traveled nationwide with Save Korea, a Christian-based organization, alongside renowned history lecturer Jeon Han-gil. Our primary mission is to educate the public about the necessity of the December 3 martial law declaration. We also aim to highlight the dangers posed by the opposition party and explain our stance against Yoon's impeachment.
During the tour, I've noticed a significant shift. More and more young people, particularly in their 20s and 30s, and even teenagers, are awakening to the reality that South Korea is facing a crisis. In the past, young people rarely participated in conservative rallies. Now, youth-led protests have been sprouting up across the country. What's also new is the increasing involvement of lawmakers and local politicians. I believe we're witnessing the rise of a new wave of political activism.
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These people are gathering not merely to defend President Yoon but also to prevent the rise of opposition leader Lee Jae-myung. Having lived through the leftist Moon Jae In administration, they understand that if Lee is elected president, South Korea will face an even more severe economic and security crisis.
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What is your overall take on the 12.3 Martial Law Decree?
The December 3 martial law declaration was not an exercise of raw authority but a calculated warning from President Yoon on the grave challenges South Korea faced then and now. Let me highlight a few examples.
First, the Democratic Party-led opposition coalition has effectively crippled judicial and governmental functions. It filed 22 impeachment motions against prosecutors, top state officials, and cabinet members — all between Yoon's inauguration and the December 3 martial law declaration. Many more followed. Not a single motion has been validated, and some directly targeted prosecutors involved in investigating opposition leader Lee.
Undermining National Security
The opposition coalition also slashed critical fiscal budgets to deliberately undercut the Yoon administration's core policies. As a resource-scarce nation, South Korea relies on advanced nuclear technology to safeguard its energy future.
The previous Moon administration's anti-nuclear stance left the industry stagnant, prompting President Yoon to push aggressively for its revival. Under his leadership, South Korea was positioning itself as a global exporter of nuclear power technology. However, funding for nuclear research and development and other key initiatives was unilaterally gutted.
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Another significant reason behind the martial law decree was to alert the public to the ongoing hybrid warfare with communist China. Between 2018 and 2022, South Korea recorded 90 cases of corporate espionage, including the illicit transfer of critical semiconductor technology to China.
Unfortunately, our country still lacks a strong anti-espionage law to hold perpetrators accountable. For nearly a decade, the staunchly pro-Beijing Democratic Party has obstructed efforts to strengthen these laws, leaving South Korea exposed to foreign interference.
Can you provide more details on this hybrid warfare?
Since taking office, President Yoon has worked tirelessly to strengthen South Korea's military capabilities and revitalize security partnerships with the United States and Japan. A key motivation behind this effort has been to align with Washington's strategy of containing China. Today, we are engaged in a new form of hybrid warfare. One that goes beyond traditional military confrontations, extending into technology, cybersecurity, and ideological battles.
In June 2024, for example, authorities investigated three Chinese nationals for filming a South Korean military facility and a docked US aircraft carrier in Busan. Investigators later revealed that these individuals were members of the Chinese Communist Party, with hundreds of similar images and videos stored in their database. Yet, South Korea's weak anti-espionage laws hampered authorities from conducting a thorough investigation and delivering proper justice.
The opposition also cut the kill chain budget, which funds South Korea's ballistic missile defense system and reconnaissance satellite project. Both are essential for countering North Korean threats. Similarly, the opposition rejected proposals to increase support for entry-level officers assigned to frontline wartime missions.
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All things considered, I believe President Yoon's decision to declare martial law was justified and well within his purview. He followed the proper procedures, and when parliament voted to overturn the decree, Yoon swiftly accepted the outcome.
There are allegations that China infiltrated South Korea's elections. What are your thoughts?
Probing election fraud was a crucial factor behind President Yoon's decision to declare martial law. The National Election Commission (NEC), tasked with maintaining the highest level of security, has proven to be one of the most vulnerable. In October 2023, the National Intelligence Service released a report. This report revealed that the election commission's internal system is connected to the external internet, leaving it susceptible to outside hacking.
What kinds of irregularities could this allow? Hackers could potentially access the electoral register to delete records of those who voted or add names of those who didn't — enabling so-called "ghost voting." Furthermore, the report also revealed the possibility of stealing ballot images or manipulating stamps on ballots. While concrete evidence of foreign interference requires further investigation, the disturbing reality is that such manipulation is theoretically possible.
A more definitive example is the 2020 general election, where the election commission admitted that Eunpyeong District had employed a Chinese national as a vote-counting staff. When asked how many Chinese staff were hired nationwide, the Commission failed to answer. The National Intelligence Service's investigation, which exposed vulnerabilities in the election commission's system, only examined 5% of its servers. What voters demand is a thorough review of the remaining 95%.
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Why is investigating NEC so difficult?
In South Korea, the National Election Commission oversees all election-related matters. Last year (2024), for the first time, the Board of Audit and Inspection reviewed the commission's records from the past decade. It uncovered more than 1,200 cases of hiring irregularities.
It's hardly surprising, then, that the commission operates like a closed family organization, shielding its flaws. When an election invalidation lawsuit was filed following the 2020 general election, the commission violated its own rules by refusing to provide the court with proper evidence.
Another issue is the deep ties between the election commission and the judiciary. A Supreme Court justice serves as the head of the election commission on a rotating basis in South Korea. Moreover, the current standing commissioner and four of the seven commissioners are former senior judges. As a result, no formal probe or search-and-seizure operation has ever been conducted against the NEC. Issuing a warrant is virtually impossible when high-ranking judges themselves oversee the commission.
Eradicating "anti-state forces" was another key message emphasized by Yoon.
Looking back at history, even after the Korean War, there have always been individuals in the South who sympathize with and support North Korea over their country. This unresolved legacy resurfaced in the 1970s and 80s, with pro-North movements taking root primarily on university campuses. Groups like the Korean University Progressive Union, the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions, and the leftist Progressive Party are quintessential examples of this ongoing trend.
For instance, the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions' management is largely composed of pro-North forces. In November 2024, three senior members were sentenced to lengthy prison terms for acting on North Korean orders and passing along reports. Two more were indicted in January 2025 on similar charges. The prosecution's indictment unveiled shocking revelations, including that these executives took directives from Kim Jong Un and plotted to overthrow President Yoon's government.
Before this case, a significant espionage scandal emerged in Changwon City and Jeju Island. There, the North instructed political figures to establish underground organizations and execute anti-state activities. Several individuals involved have since been indicted and are currently standing trial. Quite literally, the battle against anti-state North Korean forces is an ongoing struggle.
In addition to their allegiance to communist regimes like North Korea and China, these anti-state forces share another common trait: deep-seated anti-Japan historical views. They view the 35 years of Japanese occupation as a living hell and vehemently oppose any diplomatic or security cooperation with Japan, consistently resisting efforts at bilateral collaboration.
Will Yoon survive the impeachment and be reinstated?
There are growing public concerns about the Constitutional Court's bias and its apparent favoritism toward the Democratic Party. Many constitutional scholars have raised this point. The court has expedited the impeachment trial in a manner that violates its own procedures, with the final arguments scheduled for February 25 and a verdict expected in March. Now, the pressing question is whether we can expect a fair ruling under these circumstances and whether the public will accept the verdict when it is delivered.
As for whether President Yoon will survive the trial and return to office, it's still uncertain at this point. However, one thing is clear: the tide has shifted significantly in Yoon's favor. Up until mid-December, the chances of his impeachment were nearly 99%. Now, almost half the public is against it, and Yoon's approval ratings have soared above 50%.
This stands in stark contrast to the impeachment of former President Park Geun-hye, whose approval rating plummeted to 4%. Back then, the conservative party split in two. Today, with only a few exceptions, the ruling party remains united in its support for the president.
Some conservatives hope that Donald Trump will step in to support Yoon.
The United States is already indirectly supporting President Yoon in several ways. For instance, the Voice of America and Republican Representative Young Kim has been vocal in analyzing how the forces driving the impeachment are deeply anti-Korean. Additionally, a Congressional report released in December 2024 spotlighted Lee Jae-myung's ongoing criminal trials and warned of his pro-Beijing proclivities.
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Given the delicate nature of foreign affairs, the US government would exercise extreme caution to avoid being seen as interfering in domestic matters. That said, Donald Trump is known for his spontaneity and willingness to break diplomatic protocols, so it's possible that he could take unconventional steps.
If the South Korean people succeed in preventing the impeachment, it could pave the way for unprecedented cooperation between Yoon and Trump, including investigating election fraud cases in both countries.
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Author: Kenji Yoshida