Sado Gold Mines and Seeking a Balanced Historical Perspective

The UNESCO World Heritage Committee voted in July to register the Sado gold mines as a World Cultural Heritage site. Prime Minister Fumio Kishida congratulated Governor Hideyo Hanazumi of Niigata Prefecture, where the gold mines are located, on August 8. "What was a treasure of Japan has now become a treasure of the world," he stated.

However, a controversial exhibition opened at Aikawa Folk Museum in Niigata Prefecture. The museum's display on wartime Korean workers' "harsh labor conditions" has sparked criticism for its one-sided portrayal.

This exhibition, a product of a political compromise between the Japanese and South Korean governments, has sparked concerns about historical distortion.

One panel states that Korean workers were disproportionately engaged in dangerous underground work, suggesting a level of coercion or exploitation. Another claims that the average number of working days for Korean workers was 28 per month. It omitted the fact that this was the maximum number of days and that workers received a relatively high monthly wage.

The exhibition emphasizes austere conditions and suggests discriminatory practices. It fails to present a balanced view of the historical context or the workers' overall compensation and living conditions.

Primary Sources and Korean Worker Numbers

Researcher Ryosuke Nagatani's paper on Korean wartime labor at the Sado Gold Mines offers a detailed counternarrative based on primary documents. These documents include Hirai Eiichi's "History of the Sado Mines" (1950). Hirai was a former mining section chief at the Sado Mines who managed its mining plants. He summarized the history of the Sado Mines across two volumes spanning from the Edo to the Showa period at the request of the president of Mitsubishi Metals.

*A group of Liberal Democratic Party members inspects the historic Sado Island Gold Mines site in Niigata Prefecture, May 6, 2022 (©Sankei by Keiichi Hiroike)*

Other documents include reports on Korean laborers from the Japan Mining Industry and other historical records. Nagatani's research challenges previous claims of forced mobilization and racial discrimination, particularly highlighting discrepancies in worker numbers and recruitment dates.

According to the document "Concerning Korean Personnel Management" (June 1943), the number of Korean workers at the Sado mines was significantly lower than some testimonies suggest. The document reports that by 1940, only 1,000 Koreans were working in Sado. This discrepancy raises questions about the accuracy of the forced labor narrative.

Financial Incentives and Labor Allocation

Nagatani disputes the notion of forced mobilization. Rather, he highlights that many Korean workers voluntarily applied for underground work because it offered higher wages. Underground work was paid by piece rate, and Korean workers could earn significantly more compared to other jobs available at the time.

Additionally, Nagatani points out that the allocation of Koreans to dangerous jobs was due to labor shortages rather than racial bias. With many young Japanese men conscripted into the military, there was a significant need for labor in the mines. Korean workers filled this gap. Their involvement in underground work was a practical response to labor needs rather than a reflection of racial discrimination.

Economic Realities and Labor Conditions

Naksungdae Institute of Economic Research Committee member Lee Woo-yeon's paper critically examines the claims of "forced mobilization" and "forced labor." Lee argues that biased sources often misrepresent the mobilization process.

*Lee Woo-yeon. A poster of Mark Ramseyer stands in the background (© JAPAN Forward by Daniel Manning)*

He describes the recruitment process as involving open hiring by company representatives and administrative support from local authorities rather than coercion. He also notes that Korean workers at the Sado mines were paid regular wages and enjoyed better living conditions compared to peasants in Korea. Housing and food provisions were adequate, although food shortages later in the war affected Korean and Japanese workers equally.

Lee addresses higher injury rates among Koreans. Specifically, he attributes them to the shortage of more experienced Japanese workers who were conscripted into the military. Being younger and healthier than the Japanese who were not conscripted, Korean workers filled the labor gap left by the drafted Japanese men.

Silicosis and Runaway Rates

Claims of widespread silicosis among Korean workers at the Sado mines are questionable when examined through historical data.

Silicosis is a chronic lung disease caused by inhaling silica dust, which leads to lung inflammation and scarring over time. Teizo Hirose's 2000 paper, "The Sado Mine and Korean Workers: 1939-1945," and Ken Saito's 1944 report show varying dust exposure levels. Drillers inhaled 810 cc of dust, while haulers, bracers, and miners faced less. By May 1943, Korean workers were primarily in roles with lower dust exposure.

Silicosis typically requires 15 to 20 years of exposure to develop. Given the relatively short service periods of many Korean workers, claims of extensive silicosis may be overstated.

Furthermore, the rate of runaways was relatively low. Records from the "Survey Results on Accrued Wages Payable to Repatriated Koreans" show that out of approximately 1,000 Korean workers at the Sado mines, only about 50 attempted to escape. This represents roughly 5% of the workforce.

This desertion rate suggests that while conditions were challenging, they were not intolerable to the point of widespread flight. Additionally, many of those who did run away eventually returned to the mines. This also indicates that the conditions elsewhere were not significantly better.

Assessing Korean Workers' Earnings

Regarding wages and compensation, Lee notes that while there were deductions for compulsory savings, the overall wages for Korean workers were adequate.

In April 1943, those who worked the maximum number of days (28) earned a monthly salary of ￥169 JPY, which increased to ￥221 the following month. This wage was significantly higher than the starting salary for a public elementary school teacher in Tokyo, which was between ￥50 and ￥60 per month. He cites records showing that wages for Korean workers increased over time and that many Koreans could send money home. This also indicates that their economic conditions were relatively stable.

South Korean Media and Political Dynamics

Hwang Uiwon, former head of MediaWatch, has written extensively about the movement within South Korea against the Sado mines' registration. His paper, "The Present State of the Movement in South Korea Against the Registration of Japan's Sado Island Gold Mines as a World Heritage Site" is particularly insightful.

Hwang suggests South Korea's opposition to the registration was driven by flawed arguments and historical grievances rather than objective evidence. Previous South Korean governments and various left-wing groups quickly mobilized against the listing, accusing Japan of ignoring the issue of wartime labor. This mirrors their stance in 2015 against Hashima Island's World Heritage designation.

*Hwang Uiwon delivers a presentation. (© Hwang Uiwon)*

Local governments in South Korea and media also mobilized against the inscription of the Sado gold mines. City councils in South Korea passed resolutions condemning Japan's actions. South Korean media's portrayal has been influential, contributing to a widespread perception of injustice. Major newspapers and television outlets have emphasized the narrative of forced labor, often without addressing counterarguments or new research.

Academic and Activist Campaigns

Additionally, academia in South Korea has been involved. Some scholars have organized seminars and published works highlighting alleged forced labor at the Sado mines.

However, these academic contributions often rely on selective interpretations of historical evidence and ignore more recent. For example, Jung Hye-kyung's reports assert a large number of Korean forced laborers and associated deaths. Yet, they do not fully engage with primary sources or counterarguments.

Activists like Seo Kyoung-Duk and Yuji Hosaka led public campaigns against the Sado mines' World Heritage designation. They used media appearances and social media to amplify claims of forced labor. Rather than balanced historical analysis, they focused on emotional appeals.

Private organizations such as the Voluntary Agency Network of Korea launched international campaigns to prevent the Sado mines' registration, utilizing educational projects and online petitions to sway public opinion. These campaigns frequently used emotional narratives to garner support rather than presenting comprehensive historical documentation.

Letting the Records Speak For Themselves

As Nagatani states, "The evidence suggests that while there were challenges and hardships, the conditions did not constitute forced labor as claimed by some narratives."

Lee further emphasizes, "Understanding this period requires recognizing the nuances of wartime migration and labor conditions rather than relying on simplified and ideologically driven narratives."

The exhibition at the Aikawa Folk Museum should be revised to include the full context of the working conditions and compensation for Korean workers based on thorough historical research. Only by presenting an accurate and balanced historical account can the integrity of the Sado gold mines as a World Heritage site be maintained.

Author: Daniel Manning