Shocking Historic Leak: 10 Revelations from the Secret Trial of the PLA General Who Defied Tiananmen Martial Law

On November 24, 2025, a six-hour video recording of a secret military court trial, long sealed and still classified at the highest level of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), was suddenly uploaded to the internet.

The defendant in this extraordinary trial was Xu Qinxian. He is the former commander of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) 38th Group Army, who in 1989 refused to carry out the martial law order during the Tiananmen student movement.

The disclosure immediately caused a sensation both inside and outside China.

First, the very exposure of such a top-level state secret is itself an event of historic significance.

Second, the six hours of courtroom proceedings contain an overwhelming amount of information — far too much to absorb at once.

After spending nearly twenty days watching, translating, and carefully proofreading the entire six-hour video, I am now able to present the ten most critical revelations contained in this secret trial.

1. A Martial Law Order Prepared for Mass Killing

For decades, the CCP has remained deliberately vague about how many troops were deployed to Beijing to suppress the 1989 democracy movement. Official reports avoided numbers entirely, leaving researchers to rely on estimates.

This trial video, however, provides the first official confirmation of the scale of the military deployment.

A written testimony read aloud in court by Peng Cuifeng, Director of the Operations Department of the Beijing Military Region Headquarters, stated:

"According to Chairman Deng Xiaoping's decision, the Central Military Commission transferred 50,000 troops from the Beijing Military Region: 15,000 from the 38th Army, 10,000 from the 65th Army, 10,000 from the 63rd Army, 10,000 from the 27th Army, 5,000 from the 3rd Guards Division of the Beijing Garrison, with another 1,000 from the 1st Guards Division on mobile standby. The 24th Army and directly subordinate units were to prepare but not move yet, pending confirmation from Li Peng and Qiao Shi regarding timing and sequence. All units were required to enter Beijing before dawn on the 21st, so that the martial law order could be announced that morning. Secrecy was to be strictly maintained."

At the time, Li Peng was China's premier, while Qiao Shi served as chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress.

Armed for a Bloody Confrontation

The testimony further detailed weaponry and logistics:

light weapons, pistols, submachine guns, light machine guns, ammunition allocations, 200-300 armored vehicles, steel helmets, combat boots, and full motorized transport.

Separately, Xu Qinxian testified that on May 18, 1989, when Beijing Military Region Political Commissar Liu Zhenhua, Deputy Commander Li Laizhu, and Chief of Staff Zou Yuqi issued him the martial law order, they explicitly required troops to carry both light and heavy machine guns. Those were to include anti-aircraft machine guns.

The implication is chilling: the CCP had already decided on a bloody crackdown well before May 18. Otherwise, why deploy heavy weapons, anti-aircraft guns, and armored vehicles?

This directly exposes as false the later propaganda repeatedly broadcast on state television — claims that soldiers were forced to open fire only in "self-defense" against "rioters."

Court testimony demonstrates that the decision to use lethal force had been made in advance. It was entirely independent of any later civilian actions.

In fact, the troop numbers mentioned in this trial referred only to the Beijing Military Region. According to studies of the 1989 Tiananmen movement, the total number of troops deployed to Beijing is estimated to have been between 200,000 and 300,000.

2. Who Ordered the Massacre?

In official CCP narratives, the martial law order was issued by then-Premier Li Peng.

But responsibility for the order to open fire has never been openly acknowledged.

The trial record leaves no ambiguity: the decision came from then-Military Commission Chairman Deng Xiaoping, Vice Chairman Yang Shangkun, and "several others."

Liu Zhenhua testified that: "The army's execution of martial law was approved by Chairman Deng Xiaoping and decided by the Central Military Commission."

Peng Cuifeng stated plainly: "According to Chairman Deng Xiaoping's decision, the Central Military Commission transferred 50,000 troops…"

When asked who made the decision to impose martial law in parts of Beijing, Xu Qinxian replied:  "Vice Chairman Yang convened a meeting of several people."

In other words, "a few people held a meeting" — and decided the fate of an entire city.

3. What the Executioners Truly Feared

A written self-criticism by Xu Qinxian, read aloud by prosecutors, quoted Deng Xiaoping as saying:

"Try to avoid bloodshed, but do not fear bloodshed. Do not fear international reaction. [And] do not fear a bad reputation."

If they did not fear bloodshed or infamy, what did they fear?

Peng Cuifeng's testimony reveals the answer. According to an emergency CMC meeting:

"[Demonstrators] are not asking for democracy; they are trying to overthrow the Communist Party. Their primary targets are Comrade [Deng] Xiaoping and Comrade Li Peng. They demanded that those over 70 step down…"

What the CCP leadership truly feared was losing power.

Testimony throughout the trial shows a leadership gripped by panic, convinced that the situation was spiraling out of control and that regime collapse was imminent.

4. Xu Qinxian's Courage — and Fear

Known as the "general who defied orders," Xu Qinxian has long been renowned. However, the first release of this six-hour video gives us a "close-up" opportunity to observe him personally.

In the video, he is not in uniform. He looks less like a battlefield commander and more like a courteous scholar.

In his responses and statements, his language is plain and tactful, his attitude neither servile nor overbearing, with an open and upright heart.

Xu repeatedly emphasized: "With such a task and carrying weapons, good and bad people mixed together, army and civilians mixed together — how to execute it? Who to shoot?"

Clearly, upon hearing orders to bring "light and heavy machine guns, including anti-aircraft machine guns" and armored vehicles into the city, he immediately realized this meant opening fire indiscriminately, leading to his refusal. In court, he tactfully said: "If not handled well, it could cause conflict and bloodshed."

He also mentioned that Beijing has a population of over 10 million people. And with so many participating in the movement, the consequences of troops entering the city would be "unimaginable."

Thus, his courage in defying orders came from reverence for life. He did not want to harm innocent, good people — it was that simple.

5: Xu Qinxian's Foresight and the 'Deep Water' He Touched

At the same time, Xu Qinxian realized this was "the biggest event since the founding of the nation 40 years ago." It was even greater than the decade-long Cultural Revolution. 

In court, he repeatedly reiterated his views when defying orders: "I suggested that the Politburo, State Council, and Central Military Commission hold a meeting to discuss properly how to handle it. I [Also,) I said the army is part of the national system, and the National People's Congress could also discuss it."

History has since proven the wisdom of this view.

More importantly, Xu touched upon a deeply sensitive issue: the nationalization of the military, that the army should serve the state, not a political party.

On this issue, he touched the "deep waters" that the CCP absolutely does not allow anyone to touch. This is also one of the reasons he had to be punished.

6: Xu Qinxian's 'Crime' — and His Innocence

In court, prosecutors admitted that Chinese criminal law contains no provision directly applicable to Xu Qinxian's actions.

To convict him, they invoked the principle of "analogy in sentencing." That meant applying Article 17 of the Provisional Regulations on Punishing Military Personnel for Dereliction of Duty. Simply, they equated his refusal to participate in martial law with "disobeying a combat order."

In the court debate phase, Xu Qinxian delivered a 38-minute self-defense with very clear thinking.

He began by pointing out that the prosecutor's use of "analogous conviction" to charge him with defying combat orders was improper, because martial law tasks differ from combat.

He said, "Combat tasks have clear objectives and front lines. But this martial law is highly political, in turmoil created by a minority with considerable masses participating, good and bad mixed, army and civilians mixed, [with] unclear lines — so the nature differs greatly."

Thus, Xu Qinxian was convicted because he refused to treat the people as "enemies" and martial law as "combat."

Conversely, in the eyes of those who ordered the killing and those "trying" Xu on behalf of the CCP, the army's "combat" target has always been the nation's own people.

7: The Prosecutor's Aggressive Questioning and Xu Qinxian's 'Unforgivable Sin'

During the "court investigation" phase, there was a segment where the prosecutor aggressively pressed Xu Qinxian:

Prosecutor: How did Chairman Deng's speech and the "April 26 Editorial" describe the nature of the turmoil in Beijing?

Xu Qinxian: Turmoil, premeditated by a very small number.

Prosecutor: What is the essence of the turmoil?

Xu Qinxian: Two negations.

Prosecutor: Which two?

Xu Qinxian: Negating the Party's leadership, negating the socialist system.

Prosecutor: Were you clear about this at the time?

Xu Qinxian: Clear.

Prosecutor: Second question: You are a veteran soldier and Party member — what are our Party and army's organizational principles?

Xu Qinxian: Individuals obey the organization, subordinates obey superiors, the whole Party obeys the Central Committee.

Prosecutor: Is this clear?

Xu Qinxian: Clear.

At this point, the prosecutor seemed to feel Xu Qinxian's "unforgivable" crime needed no further proof, as he violated "our Party and army's organizational principles" by tolerating "turmoil" that "negated the Party's leadership and socialist system."

This courtroom interrogation vividly demonstrates: The CCP's law exists to maintain "the Party's leadership," and failure to absolutely obey is unforgivable.

8: The Entire 'Trial' Was a Pre-Rehearsed Show

The six-hour trial feels like a performance. 

Multiple witnesses' statements are strikingly similar, as if coordinated or copied from each other. The defense counsel either abandoned defense, was not allowed to defend, or superficially said a few words that appeared exonerating while admitting Xu's "guilt."

Most ridiculously, at the end of the "court debate" phase, after Xu's defender made a few perfunctory "defense" remarks, the prosecutor immediately read a prepared "rebuttal" speech, clearly pre-written rather than responding on the spot to the defense.

Thus, this trial, "framing crimes where none exist," was merely the CCP's performance to "uphold military discipline, kill the chicken to scare the monkeys," and provide legitimacy for the bloody Tiananmen Massacre. And to warn other generals who might not absolutely obey Party orders like Xu.

9: The CCP's Fear of 'Peaceful Evolution' and Perpetual View of the West as an Enemy

The court specially presented foreign media reports on Xu Qinxian's defiance as evidence against him.

Repeatedly, the prosecutor mentioned "hostile international forces" in his speech. He claimed "Xu Qinxian's defiance of martial law orders... catered to the political needs of hostile forces... provided them ammunition to attack the Party and government." "The Western capitalist world has never abandoned its intent to destroy us," etc.

This speech fully exposes the CCP's deep fear of "peaceful evolution" and unmasked mindset of viewing the West as a "hostile force." 

Yet some Western engagement advocates and "panda huggers," even after the Tiananmen Massacre, still believed that helping China's economic development would "naturally" bring freedom and democracy to the CCP.

Perhaps all those Western elites still holding such views should seriously watch this trial video and listen to the CCP's "true words" spoken in their "own circle." At the time, everyone in the court likely never imagined the video would one day be made public. Therefore, they spoke without restraint — at least without worrying about what "international friends" might think.

10: The Timing of the Trial Video Leak and the Impending Historical Judgment Facing the CCP

This leak of the full six-hour video is one of the most serious breaches in CCP history. Two days after the leak, the director and deputy director of China's State Secrecy Bureau were both dismissed. One can imagine that access to such high-level secret archives must come from high-ranking officials in the military or secrecy organs, so this leak represents internal rebellion.

The Tiananmen Massacre was a decisive turning point in CCP history. From then on, the CCP completely abandoned the path of self-reform and reconciliation with the people. Burdened with massive new blood debts, it could only maintain rule through extreme political repression and sharing economic "development" dividends with the people.

After the massacre, many Chinese people, shocked by the CCP's brutality, became thoroughly disillusioned and gave up resistance. Most accepted the so-called new "China model" of surrendering political power for economic development.

Now, this model of "no politics, just getting rich" has reached its end with Xi Jinping's accelerating reversals. And this trial video leak occurs precisely at such a moment.

The Coming Reckoning

This foreshadows that the blood debts the CCP bears for suppressing the Tiananmen movement, and all blood debts owed to the Chinese people before and after — including heinous crimes like forced organ harvesting — have reached the time for reckoning.

When that time comes, those seated in the defendant's dock will surely be the executioners who massacred the people. Conversely, Xu Qinxian, "tried" in the 1990 Beijing military court, will forever be a hero and conscience general in people's hearts.

Xu was later sentenced to five years in prison, but in reality, he remained under surveillance until his death on January 8, 2021.

The complete verbatim transcript of the six-hour trial, translated into English, is available online here. Meanwhile, the full video has been released here. Please watch the trial for yourself.

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Author: Jennifer Zeng